Monday, 23 June 2014

Tambuwal's Car Stopped for Search by Soldiers

Soldiers this morning insisted on searching the official car of the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Hon Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, before he could be allowed into an international conference in Kaduna, Metropole has gathered. 
 
Tambuwal drove in his official car with flag and insignia and in a convoy, an eye-witness disclosed.
 
Angered by the treatment of the soldiers, the Speaker reportedly stormed out of the car and trekked into the venue.

According to the source, the incident occurred at Hotel 17, venue of an  International conference on security and development challenges of pastoralism in West and Central Africa organised by the office of the National Security Adviser. The Speaker is scheduled to deliver an address at the conference.

Tambuwal,  who arrived the venue of the gathering at exactly 9.16 am for the 10.00 am opening ceremony, had his convoy stopped by soldiers who insisted they must search his official car before he could be allowed into the venue, the source said.

Despite much entreaties by security details attached to the Speaker, the soldiers refused, with some saying they have orders from above to search the Speaker.
 
The same treament was not given to other VIPs, especially Governors,  who  were allowed access into the hotel without hindrance.
 
The Speaker is the number four in protocol hierarchy in the Federation,  after the President, Vice-President, and the Senate President. 
 
When contacted for his reaction, Tambuwal's spokesman,  Malam Imam Imam, decried the conduct of the soldiers, saying their attitude undermines the institution of the legislature. 

"It is not about the person of the Speaker, but the office he is occupying," he said. "What we expect is for the security agents to show respect for the office of the Number 4 citizen of the country." 
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As a Generation, Can We 'Rice' to the Occasion?

A lot of people have reduced Ayo Fayose’s victory at the polls on Saturday to the politics of sharing rice to poor Ekiti voters. If that were the case, Fayemi would have at least had a close run because he did share his own rice too, but the results suggest Ayo Fayose, as much as this is difficult for me to write, did maul Governor Kayode Fayemi.

The intimidation of his governor friends and the arrests of his campaign officers on the eve of the elections apart, the Ekiti elections were a step above the usual rigging that have often characterized elections in Nigeria. Fayose had the might of the state behind him in the military; that power was used in harassing and intimidating Governor Fayemi’s supporters to no end, this of course was an unfair reality but it was only an episode in a process that revealed Nigeria to many in ways they probably never saw it or paid much attention to.

Friday 20th June I told a friend pointblank: any president who intends to start a genuine change process in Nigeria must forget about his/her second term or pretend in his/her first term, then get real in the second term. Deviance is our norm, impunity is our law, and absurdities are our way.

Ekiti is not the first elections in Nigeria where candidates had to share food and money to entice voters. This has always been a normal part of our elections. In fact, the smartest politician is the one who spreads the sharing over the period between one election and the next. Our people more often than not see that as their own way of sharing in the national cake. What set Ekiti apart is the mind-boggling fact that an incumbent who had actually performed and was seen to have performed was judged not based on his performance but based on how much he couldn't share directly with the people while in office.

So, as a Nigerian politician, Governor Fayemi goofed on deciding to go with technocrats as his commissioners instead of politicians. Other things being equal, technocrats focus on the job while politics could later be a distraction but politicians focus on politics while getting the job done is the distraction. Governor Fayemi's technocrats did get the job done. That was never enough.

Just a year or so into his tenure, he was already getting the vibes of the anger of those who preferred the Governor focused on ‘stomach infrastructure’ and not enduring physical infrastructure. It was a choice between directly giving the people fish or creating the environment where the people could fish and have sustainable income.

So then, if you were a Fayemi what would you do after losing elections? Get frustrated? This was out of his hands. He was a technocrat focused on getting the job done. He had no political figure in the state who managed the political side of things.

Governor Fashola survived in Lagos despite his reforms because former Governor Tinubu managed the political costs of his tough decisions. Where a Fayemi insisted on re-training and re-testing teachers to improve the standard of the educational system, he had no politician in place to manage the anger that'd naturally rise from such a bold decision. In the end, politics won and Governor Fayemi had to let go of some of his plans. It was too little too late. The people wanted business as usual, the Governor was too much of a by-the-book person.

What do Nigerians want? For all the cries about change, Nigerians do not want the change some of us in our idealistic state think they want. A lot of Nigerians actually prefer the status quo. This is a country where you can get away with virtually any crime. A leader who comes around to make the law count, to bring about costs to disobeying the law is not likely to be a popular leader.

Corruption and lawlessness have been entrenched in our society. What some other climes may see as corruption, we may see it as ordinary stealing. Anyone who intends to go head-to-head with these established unwholesome norms cannot have thoughts of second term in his or her head. Without a doubt, such a person is likely to be appreciated after office than while in office.

We want change but only when we are at the receiving end of the norm. When the norm favours us, we are just okay with the status quo.

Congratulations to Governor-elect Ayo Fayose. He is the man the people of Ekiti want and no one can say they don't deserve him. Didn't someone already say the people deserve the leader they get? As a Nigerian, one can only hope that politics does not continue to get in the way of genuine development. As for our mostly idealistic generation, how do we ‘rice’ up to this challenge? May God help Nigeria.
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Thursday, 19 June 2014

India Replaces US as Largest Importer of Nigeria's crude

India has replaced the United States of America as the largest importer of Nigeria’s crude with China and Malaysia following closely.
 
This was revealed in a statement today by the Group General Manager, Group Public Affairs Division of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Mr Ohi Alegbe.
 
“The US which had traditionally taken the bulk of Nigeria’s crude has in recent months drastically reduced its demand which now stands at about 250,000barrels per day,” the statement said. “India however now purchases some 30 percent of Nigeria’s daily crude production which currently hovers around 2.5million barrels.”
 
The statement also quoted the NNPC’s Coordinator Corporate Planning and Strategy, Dr. Tim Okona, as saying at the World Petroleum Congress in Russia that Nigeria would not ignore any market in its quest to remain competitive in the global oil and gas industry.
 
 
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Wednesday, 18 June 2014

Terror Kingpin among 486 Boko Haram Suspects Arrested in Abia

A wanted terrorist is among the 486 Boko Haram suspects arrested on Sunday by the Nigerian Army in Abia State en route to Port Harcourt, the Rivers State capital.
The Director of Defence Information, Major-General Chris Olukolade, in a statement in a statement yesterday said during the screening of the suspects, the terror kingpin who had been on the wanted list was identified and taken into custody.
“So far other security agencies including the para-military have joined the screening exercise to ascertain the status of the remaining suspects,” the statement said. “Those identified as possible security risks or illegal immigrants are expected to be identified for further action.”

The Nigerian Army had on Sunday arrested 486 persons who were travelling in a motorcade of 35 Totota Hummer buses along the Enugu-Port Harcourt Expressway. This came a few hours after a failed bomb attack on Living Faith church in Owerri, the Imo State. 
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Monday, 16 June 2014

A Return to Nigeria

When I was seven years old my father bought me a Bag of Laughs. It was the early 1980s and, as with most every school morning in Lagos, we were stuck in traffic. My father was at the wheel, listening to Bob Marley on the eight-track. I sat in the back, staring at the street peddlers walking in between lanes jostling can openers, batteries and other random items at car windows.
A boy, older than me but still young enough that he should have been in school, dangled a toy outside my window. It was a yellow cloth bag cinched at the top with a picture on one side of a cartoonish open mouth laughing madly. Inside the bag was a little battery-operated mechanism. If you pressed a button, the bag shook violently and made uproarious sounds like a guffawing crowd. My father slipped a few naira notes through a crack in the window in exchange for the toy. Sitting there behind my parents, I pushed the button over and over again, grinning endlessly at the obnoxious crowd contained in my little hands.
Until recently, that Bag of Laughs was one of the few memories that popped up whenever I tried to think positively about Nigeria, the country of my ancestors.
I was born in New York City and lived in Nigeria only between the ages of 7 and 9. That’s when my mother left my father, taking my younger sister and me to live in Ivory Coast, then England and finally the United States. We were not raised to imagine ourselves as woven into the fabric of Nigeria, let alone as lovers of it. As children our parents always spoke to us in English, reserving our indigenous language, Igbo, for the secrets that passed between adults over our ears.
Coming of age in foreign classrooms, my sister and I slowly shed our native skins. We let teachers mangle our names, then adopted their mispronunciations — introducing ourselves with syllables our own relatives tripped over.
At home we caught snippets of phone conversations between our parents and relatives still living in Nigeria. “So and so’s house has been attacked by armed robbers.” “The police do not do anything. Some of them are even in on it.” “You can’t trust anyone.” “There’s no hope for this country.” As the years turned into decades, Nigeria saw economic struggles, the rise of email scammers and Boko Haram, a terrorist group. Whatever childhood memories of birthday parties and schoolyard antics we had treasured were soon dulled by these new testimonies. Before too long we began to dislike and to fear our home country, to expect nothing but the worst from Nigerians. It most likely would have stayed that way, if not for my father’s sudden death.
When I was 29 my father died back in Nigeria, within weeks of a cancer diagnosis. My older brother, then living in New York City, and I left the States to go back and bury him. In accordance with Igbo custom we had to bury him in his ancestral village of Akunwanta in southeastern Nigeria. So we flew into Enugu airport, drove the two hours to Arondizuogu, and then down a red clay road to the enclave bearing our family name, Akunwanta village.
Akunwanta is the piece of land to which I can trace my paternal ancestry as far back as possible. It is the second part of a hyphenated last name I do not use. There was the dust from which my father came and the dust to which he was returning. I was returning. Suddenly, my life in the United States seemed like a storybook, so far away it didn’t seem tangible.
After that, I couldn’t get Nigeria out of my mind. I couldn’t stop thinking about the fact that there was a land and a people that rightfully claimed me. Choosing to ignore that seemed oddly irresponsible in light of the genuine plight of illegal immigrants in America and across the globe, who reluctantly left their countries out of financial desperation. It seemed oddly disrespectful in light of the growing number of refugees who fled their countries because of war. And it seemed oddly confusing as a black woman to choose as my home a country with such a deep-seated history of prejudice and injustice toward minorities.
I started to imagine what it would be like to live in a place where you did not have to explain some aspect of your identity on a daily basis, where you did not have to offer people a reason, no matter how subtle, for why you were among them.
When I am in Nigeria, my name alone places me in recognizable context. A few years after my father’s funeral, I started going back to Nigeria for weeks and then months at a time, writing and working from there. I let myself be wooed by the little ordinary things: the bath towel sun-soaked warm through mosquito-netted windows; eating pineapples in season, cut round and sweet; the way women sway in form-fitting long printed Ankara skirts going to work or market.
Each time I boarded the plane to return to the States it was with a surprising hint of sadness. I became increasingly uncertain about what I was really going back to. Sure, there was the reliable infrastructure of basic necessities like electricity and medical care. Yet, back in Nigeria, I had the irreplaceable experience of feeling connected to an untapped part of myself. I was gaining insight into my ancestral and communal identity as a Nigerian, as an Igbo woman.
At some point I started entertaining the idea of moving back. Maybe just to try it for a few years. I spoke of it tentatively, trying to gauge reactions from friends and family. My mother considered it a miracle. My siblings were stunned, wondering why I’d leave for a country rife with corruption and ethno-religious factions. And I had my own concerns. What if I’d been away too long for Nigeria to ever really feel like home? Could I actually make a difference in the development of my country, or would I be just one more returnee, in for a rude awakening and endless frustrations? In my less introspective moments I simply wondered how I could give up my regular jaunts to Whole Foods and Trader Joe’s.
My questions were endless. But so was my desire to know the country that claimed me. So, finally, I bought a one-way ticket for this summer. I am moving to Nigeria. I say it aloud, mostly to myself. And I laugh at the surprise of it.
On my most recent visit, approaching Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, I looked out the plane’s window at the clusters of dry green bushes and the expanse of clay earth. The large mound of Aso Rock loomed in the background. I descended and walked to the line for those holding Nigerian passports. I no longer anticipated an airport official trying to redirect me to the line for visitors, those with visas, those who are not from this country. The passport control officers rarely change, and they remembered me now.
The man in the tan uniform flipped through the pages of my green passport and looked up at me. “My beautiful sister, you have returned.”
“Yes, ooo” I said.
“How was your journey? Did you bring me something?” he teased.
“It was well. Not this time, Oga,” I greeted him playfully but with respect.
“Oya,” he stamped the page and slipped my passport back to me. “You are welcome home.”
* Okoro is a writer, speaker and communications consultant whose website is:www.enumaokoro.com. This article was first published in The New York Times on April 23, 2014, and in The International New York Times on April 29, 2014. It is republished here with the author’s permission. 
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Youth Leader: The Joke is on APC

The position of “youth leader” in a political party would not be necessary in a party where age is not a currency for party leadership, but unfortunately, in Nigeria age is not only a currency, it is indeed one of the most valuable denominations.

Women would not be wrong to think they are the most disrespected political group in the country but when the numbers are crunched, it would not be shocking to discover that Nigeria’s young people are the most politically marginalized group.

Across all the major and minor political parties, you’d not find a man designated as “women leader,” while you’d be hard pressed to find anyone below 40 years of age designated as “youth leader.” That is not to say our women do not deserve a lot more than such limiting designations.

Until recently, the “youth leader” of the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) was closer to the age of 70 than he was to 40. That point marked the age of peak madness in the designation of men well past their 50s as party youth leaders.

Reno Omokri is never one to be believed, having said the PDP youth leader is now 31. Even if Reno Omokri, going by his Wendell Simlin-esque antecedents can never be trusted with the truth, it does appear that he was right this one time. The PDP has since corrected the anomaly.

The All Progressives Congress (APC) Nigeria’s main opposition party unfortunately copied from the wrong PDP page, especially a page the PDP has since corrected, a page that once said the youth leader had to be an old man.

This is a most unfortunate situation.  On the question of appointing a man well past his 40s as “youth leader,” the APC has truly goofed! You cannot come preaching about change while continuing in the old order of youth disenfranchisement.

The APC seems to confuse the unpopularity of the current ruling party as a correlational popularity for itself. It is not. Nigerians are likely to be inclined to stick with their oppressor of the last 15 years than press their thumb for what continues to look like the soul and spirit of the old oppressor in a new skin.

It was inspiring to see the APC bypass an element like Chief Tom Ikimi as its party leader while going with Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, a respectable gentleman who though in his 70s, has the mind, character and personality to lead the Nigerian opposition party forward.

If the APC wants to be seen as the change Nigeria needs, the APC must first be that change in its way and manner of conducting its own party business before it can expect to be trusted by Nigerians as the change we really and truly need.

On a related note, it was inspiring to see young APC members take a stand while kicking against the decision by their party leaders to have someone out of the youth bracket lead them. In a country where some young people never see anything wrong in the party and political groups they support irrespective of what such parties or groups do, it was really inspiring to see the young APC members voice their disagreement.

Here, democracy has been assumed to mean, “support your party no matter what; oppose the other party no matter what.” This is the bane of our political conversations.  When the PDP had the aforementioned old man lead its youths, the same real youths in the party publicly defended the decision almost to death.

They probably thought they were taking a stand for their party but situations like that only show a zombie-esque membership status. If you cannot challenge your leaders when they are wrong, you are not their followers: you are their slaves. Only slaves are expected to voice support for the master, wrong or not, because the master is never wrong. Followership is a call to responsibility and self-assertion not a call to zombieship.

If young people had a fair ground to play in these political parties and are allowed the chance to contest and win the major positions in the parties, there’d indeed be no need for the position of “youth leader.” Check the Democratic and Republican parties for starters-- this anomaly does not exist within their main executive positions. The position of the “youth leader” looks like an attempt to ensure youth participation at that level seeing as the balance of power naturally plays the youths out.

So then, with this balance of power very much in place, why can’t these so called youths be allowed to be “youth leaders” in their own political party? Is it that our youths are needed just for the votes alone? Leaders of the APC openly made jokes about PDP’s then geriatric youth leader. So, who is the joke on now?

I am @Omojuwa on Twitter
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Thursday, 12 June 2014

NYSC Bars Corps Members from Serving in Adamawa, Borno, Yobe

The National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) has suspended the scheme in three North-eastern states, Borno, Yobe and Adamawa States, due to the rising insecurity.
The Director-General of NYSC, Brig-General Johnson Olawumi, said this in Calabar yesterday at the annual management conference of the scheme in Cross River State capital.
He said until normalcy returned to the three states, NYSC would not post graduates of tertiary educational institutions there as the scheme was not ready to lose any corps member on national assignment to the activities of Boko Haram as it had in the past few years.
The director general warned the corps members posted outside the three states who sometimes travelled there to make more money.
“The NYSC is mindful of the security situation in the country. The states where we have security challenges we will deliberately not post corps members there. But any corps member who deliberately goes there to serve is doing so on his own volition. They do that on their own because we do not officially send corps members to those troubled states.
“I want to emphasise that those three states are part of Nigeria. Our prayer is that peace returns to those places as soon as possible so that corps members who want to explore those places would have the opportunity of doing so,” the director general said.
Mr. Olawumi stressed that the focus of the NYSC programme was to make corps members become self-sufficient, given the high level of unemployment in the country.
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